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In a country represented to be the land of freedom and equality, where individual responsibility held above everything else and where the idea of free market and lasseiz-faire is best put into practice, a nation we esteem as the United States of America, millions of the nation's colored minorities '" especially African-Americans and Latin-Americans '" are facing discrimination daily, if not hourly or even by-the-minute. Slavery has died and so has the overtly discriminatory Jim Crow laws that had legalized the state-sponsored institution of apartheid, but nonetheless, racism is still alive and in fact, very active; the race riot that occurred in Los Angeles due to this national racism is an event that barely twenty years old. In every aspect of the American society, race matters to a point of homelessness, incarcerations, torture and detentions, and reservations. The poorest American citizens are American Indians; toxic waste is being dumped on Hispanic communities; innocent Middle Easterners of Muslim attire are labeled as terrorist then imprisoned and abused without any right to due process; most of prison inmates are blacks, all facts signifying how racism is really negatively affecting this nation. These racial minorities '" due to continued discrimination even after the achievements of King and Malcolm X and Black Panthers '" are the ones needing the most help in America today and as such, they must now become the biggest focus of social workers nationwide. Though many people might not realize it, racial discrimination is everywhere in American society. Even after the 13th and 14th Amendment was passed, which ended slavery and promised equal rights to all American citizens regardless of race, this nation has never strayed away from the course of racism enough to invalidate the cries of individuals such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Langston Hughes. After all, from slavery came share cropping, then exclusion of blacks from Social Security, budget cuts for schools occupied by racial minorities, restriction of VHA-FHA loans to every race but to whites, crackdown on drug users instead of drug dealers to make sure the nation's prisons are overcrowded with black and Hispanic youths, and now, there is the issue of racial profiling. From the birth of the nation to the current moment in history, America has been and is still guilty of injustice toward the colored peoples of this nation. As a country representing democracy, equality, and freedom, this racial injustice is simply unacceptable, and even more so, almost unbearable. What's perhaps more unbearable is how much of the issue remains unsolved even today. Very recently, on October 13, 2006, Errol Louis wrote an opinion article in the 47th page of Daily News titled "Stop Racial Steering," disgusted of the continuing yet ignored (by both the American public and the federal government) racial discrimination in the present-day American society. He shows in this article of how real estate agents have been "illegally us[ing] racial and ethnic criteria to steer homebuyers into monochrome communities," and thus perpetuating segregation in American society. Louis then gives specific examples of such residential segregation and enforced spatial mismatch in New York City, which is now the third most racially segregated city in America after Detroit and Milwaukee. Louis talks of the Corcoran Group in the Brooklyn Heights and how their discriminatory practices seem only to be criticized and reminded by Shanna Smith, the president of an "out-of-town group" National Fair Housing Alliance. Louis's article shows that racial discrimination is not just history and has seeped into virtually all aspects of life, not only in employment and college admission processes, but also in housing and residential placements. Just a week before Louis wrote that article, on October 5, 2006, Bob Herbert in the editorial section of The New York Times (pg. 29) conceded with his 746-word article "Poor, Black, and Dumped on." Herbert is enraged that terrible illnesses and premature deaths of poor blacks in Alabama is being largely ignored by the American public. Thus angered, he writes as objectively as he possibly can about the black waste fields of America, from West Anniston, Alabama to Emelle, Alabama, describing how chemical plants and even military factories are dumping "PCBs, furans, heavy metals and trace amounts of never and mustard gas agents" in these neighborhoods. Even after 70 different environmental and human rights organizations participated in "The Environmental Justice for All Tour" to raise awareness about this situation, the cancers and deaths of women in their 30's and 20's have not caught the attention of average Americans. At this, Herbert writes: "The tour was enthusiastically received at each stop, but got hardly any attention from the larger society. The message to blacks and other struggling with these hideous policies could not have been clearer: we are not in the least interested in you." Is America really apathetic to these groups of people because of a such an insignificant measure as difference in skin color? Judging from instances such as these, not to mention the legally system of Jim Crow laws just fifty or so year ago, it sure seems that way. To Alan Newton, America may not have denied him housing or dumped PCB's into each blood stream, but it imprisoned him for almost half of his life. In the "Metropolitan" section of New York Times Jeff Vandam writes, "Alan Newton has always been innocent. Now after 22 years behind bars, he is also free." Vandam's article "Finally, a Life Resumed" is neither criticizing like Louis's article nor indignant like Herbert's, but instead is of a hopeful tone, delving into the reflective and forgiving mind of Alan Newton. Vandam shows that while Newton is not angry that his innocence has been doubted for over twenty-two years, he is more worried about his adjustment to his life after jail than a vendetta against the government that wronged him. The article, by doing this, however, does not hide the larger implications of American society, that skin color can determine who is a friend and who is an enemy in the American court system. After all, what happened to Newton is not a rare event in America but a hidden fact, a recurring pattern generally ignored by the American media and condoned by the federal government. So what do these continuing practices of racism signify for our society? According to Ian Urbina in his October 27, 2006 New York Times article "Democrats Fear Disillusionment in Black Voters," it means a strong sense of reluctance and distrust will be embedded in these racial minorities, even in the important action of voting. Having been "subject to actual conspiracies more often that the rest of the population," minorities, especially blacks and Native Americans now do not trust institutions or any kind of authority, more so if they be white. Urbina shows this sentiment by providing an example of black and Hispanic opinions on the election process. He writes of the fact that while in 2004 15% of the blacks had little or no confidence in the voting system, that percentage has now risen to be 29%. This is not unusual, Urbina states, considering the past shenanigans in Florida and in Ohio and threatening letters to potential black and Hispanic voters since the past decade. If the racial minorities do not trust in the election process '" something that gives them virtually the only real voice in American society '" then how can anyone expect these oppressed groups to trust different institution, even socially beneficial institutions? Without understanding their historical and current plights, social workers would be inadequate in addressing the grievances of the most deprived and disenfranchised peoples of America. Even in the realm of social work education, racism has found its way to manifest itself in the form of Eurocentrism. Hall points out a passage in Zastrow's social work textbook where it is stated that status hierarchy in Puerto Rico status is based on culture or class, and not skin color when in fact, litigations in Puerto Rico has largely revolved around the issue of skin color (Hall, 2005). Hall criticizes the fact that race is merely seen as a standard identity construct by social work education as well as much of Western science, and as such, race is dismissed as something that is scientifically meaningless and as a matter that just ought to be ignored. In fact, "the issue of skin color has never been subjected to rigorous debate by social work educators, because it doe not conform to the standards of Eurocentric ideals about social difference" and thus, "the factual existence of skin color litigation, suicide, etc. is then alienated from the education process" (pg. 102). Hall, observing the experiences of biracial identities and social work educators' Eurocentric presentations of racial constructs, argues that for the physical and mental health of biracial Americans, social work education must stress complex race identity models, ones that does not merely encourage passivity and unconscious assimilation to the Western ideals. Simply put, race is not meaningless and it cannot be easily dismissed but must manifest itself in all aspects of social education, especially since race and racial issues are significantly evident in environments such as the family, the church, and the school. Hall states that race is an important matter to discuss in social work education because, "social work education is, then an active process of acquiring, assessing, and producing knowledge in an environment of tolerance and respect for various populations" (pg. 110). Should Eurocentrism remain in social work educational literature, then future social workers will seem arrogant and elitist to the racial population they profess to serve. Hall, while failing to mention successfully the connection between the ecological perspective (viewing racial identity as a process of adaptation and adjustment) and the "socializ[ation] from birth in the normalcy of a racial identity -- . To reject stigmatized characteristics, especially those involving stereotypes" (pg. 106), biracial experience, is right in arguing for an alternative view that delves into the issues of racial identity and the surrounding environment and which empowers those who are confused and are stigmatized about their racial identities, especially since for most social workers, most of the clientele population will be people of color. Social work's effectiveness starts in its recruitment process of education and if this beginning process is tainted by Eurocentrism then something will definitely go wrong in the future of the social work profession. The bigger question in social work, however, is not how to teach potential social workers about race issues, but more importantly, how to reach out to those victimized racial minorities. One way to answer this question is to evaluate the results of a social program and then observing its effectiveness in terms of the voices of its reciepients. In the 2002 volume of the journal Social Work, four social work authors did exactly that, interviewing to discover the voices of African families regarding the residential treatment of their children. The article itself stresses the importance of their voices since children of color are frequently overrepresented in residential treatment programs, as African-Americans are about 25 percent to 30 percent of the children in community-based programs and 26 percent of juveniles in residential facilities (Kruzich; Friesen; Willaims-Murphy; Longley, 2002). Exploring the positive and negative views of the African Americans about the residential treatment, the article concludes that African Americans were generally were more doubtful about the program than people of any other race, worried that their children will be punished more than accommodated, terrified that their kids might view them as discarded family members, concerned about the agencies' use of medicine that medicine might be beneficial to white but not blacks, and frustrated at the fact that reducing of visitation and hours was dependent on their children's behavior, which to them, which was unfair and might be full of bullshit. Black families also were mad at instances of staff stereotyping their children which led to inaccurate diagnoses and discriminatory treatment. The article's findings reveal that without the understanding of these black concerns, social work can actually be detrimental instead of helping. To the population so affected to distrust in governmental institutions '" including social agencies '" an unintentional omission or overlooking can result in discriminatory practices and alienation. In reaching out to and empowering African-Americans social workers must constantly remind themselves of the Negro cause, of their slavery, their apartheid, their lynchings, the bombing and burning of their churches and schools, their persecution via the fire hydrant, and their failed race riots. If that is not enough, social workers need to bear in mind that as late as 1996, there has been an epidemic of church arson in African-American communities, which has impacted the communities mentally and even more so, emotionally (Carter, 1998). Carter notes in her article "Church Burning in African American Communities: Implications for Empowerment Practice" that remembering the fact that "The U.S. Justice Department reported 28 incidents [of black church arson] in the 17 months before May 1996" (pg. 62) is essential to successfully implementing the empowerment practice for African-American communities. After showing the political and historical impacts of the church burnings to the African-American community, Carter concludes that since "social workers understand [sic] that -- . churches are an integral part of the daily experiences of the African Americans, church arson can be traumatic" and "they should, therefore, address church burning in a manner that is sensitive not only to the breadth of losses that parishioners have incurred but also to cultural context as well" (pg, 66). This kind of treatment, though especially needed for African American communities, should also be extended to other peoples of color as well. Mercer's article deals with the Navajo elderly people requiring nursing homes in their isolated reservations. The Navajo live in a desert land that spans more than 25,000 square miles, living in small clusters referred to as "extended family camps," trying as best as they can to enjoy their religion, their traditions, and their lifestyle (Mercer, 1996). So isolated however, "delivering in-home care in this environment is difficult" (pg. 184) and thus "most elderly Indians who require nursing home care must leave the reservation and their families. About 4,600 elderly Indians reside in non-Indian nursing homes, which rarely employ Indian staff, serve traditional foods, or encourage traditional customs" (181). In the last two pages of the article, Mercer gives a case-by-case vignettes of the Navajo elderly who id not get nursing home care and who had range of issues from attempted suicides to not being able to adjust to diabetes to being destitute and ill with barely adequate care from kin. Mercer shows that much must be done for this group of people, who has suffered ever since the white race has embarked on the American shores. While Mercer's article aims for the basic goal of "convey[ing] the importance of cultural mindfulness and listening to and learning from clients and finding ways to act on this knowledge," my final paper intends to give a deeper sense of urgency in this issue, as it hopes to redress the wrongs done to the racial minorities by this so-called great American nation. Race is a humongous issue, for African-Americans homeless, incarcerated, and trapped in ghettos; for Latin-Americans unemployed, underpaid, and forced into shit jobs; for Middle Easterners like Yaser Esam Hadim detained and deported for no reason other than being labeled as a terrorist; for Native Americans nearly extinct, deprived (robbed actually) of their lands and their way of life, and continually being reduced to nothing. Social work is a profession that must address their grievances, one that must provide for these groups the services they've been denied of for so long, for too long. Perhaps the first step in that process of redress is in adoption. With the passage of Multiethnic Placement Act (MEPA) of 1994 '" which was designed to increase the number of black children who are adopted and to decrease the amount of time those children spend in care before adoption (Brooks; Barth; Bussiere; Patterson, 1999) '" social workers can respond to the U.S. racial problem through participation in foster agencies. The article written by Brooks, et. al raises different questions about the issue of matching foster parents with children of color in foster homes. It addresses certain problem, such as the lack of clarity of MEPA and lack and poor use of resources but nonetheless concludes that through proper practice guidance and training of professionals, aggressiveness in recruiting and retaining families of color as well as white families, and through researching and evaluating child welfare services, foster care and adoption agencies can conclusively provide a provide a new and better beginning for the maturing children of color. The success or failure of an adoption may in the end bolster or disrupt a life. More than adoption, though, the race problem in America is a problem that requires lots and lots and even more lots of attention and efforts. Racial inequality and injustice has been so embedded in American society that it now requires a huge fight to turn back the tides of generations and generations of repeated racial discriminations. Nevertheless, it is the my utmost hope that social workers, carefully trained and educated about these issues, can be the kind of professionals that somehow reduce the severity of this racial issue in American society. Whether the issue be residential segregation, toxic waste dumpage, unjust incarceration, and multiethnic adoption, I have faith that we social workers will attend the scene to right the wrongs as best as we possibly could and prove in the end that America really is a land of equality, democracy, and freedom. References NEWSPAPER ARTICLES Herbert, Bob. "Poor, Black, and Dumped On." The New York Times. October 5, 2006. Late Edition. Section A; Column 1; Editorial Desk; pg. 29. Louis, Errol. "Stop Racial Steering." Daily News. October 13, 2006. Opinions; On Discrimination; pg. 47. Urbina, Ian. "Democrats Fear Disillusionment in Black Voters." The New York Times. October 27, 2006. Section A; Column 5; National Desk; THE 2006 CAMAIGN; pg 1. Vandamn, Jeff. "Finally, A Life Resumed." The New York Times. October 29, 2006. CY pgs. 1, 10. SOCIAL WORK JOURNALS Brooks, Devon; Barth, Richard P.; Bussiere, Alice; Patterson, Glendora. "Adoption and Race: Implementing the Multiethnic Placement Act and the Interethnic Adoption Provisions." Social Work. Washington: Journal of National Association of Social Workers, 1999. Vol. 44; #2; pgs. 167-177. Carter, Carolyn S. "Church Burning in African American Communities: Implications for Empowerment Practice." Social Work. Washington: Journal of National Association of Social Workers, 1998. Vol. 44; #1; pgs. 62-67. Hall, Ronald E. "Eurocentrism in Social Work Education: From Race to Identity Across the Lifespan as Biracial Alternative." Journal of Social Work. Ed: Shadow, Steven M. London: Sage Publications, 2005. Vol. 5; #1; pgs. 101-111. Kruzich, Jean M.; Freisen, Barbara J.; Williams-Murphy, Tracy; Longley, M.J. "Voice of African American Families: Perspectives on Residential Treatment." Social Work. Washington: Journal of National Association of Social Workers, 2002. Vol. 47; #4; pgs. 461-468. Mercer, Susan O. "Navajo Elderly People in a Reservation Nursing Home: Admission Predictors and Culture Care Practices." Social Work. Washington: Journal of National Association of Social Workers, 1996. Vol. 41; #2; pgs. 181-188. |
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